The Dayak Stigma and Unintended Consequence
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The appearance of the Dayak people today during gatherings: modern, yet still retaining distinct elements of their identity through the attributes and clothing they wear. This was captured during a literacy event in Batu Ruyud, Central Krayan, North Kalimantan, in October 2022. Documentation: Masri Sareb. |
🌍 DAYAK TODAY | TARAKAN: The image of the Dayak was shaped by external authors in the past, largely because the Dayak community did not yet have a writing tradition.
The actions and writings of influential figures can have lasting impacts that extend well beyond their original intent.
As we delve into the works of Carl Bock, Miller, and Nieuwenhuis, we will uncover how their portrayals of the Dayak people have influenced perceptions and contributed to enduring stereotypes.
Understanding unintended consequences
During my studies in Epistemology (Philosophy of Science), I was introduced to the term "Unintended Consequences" (UC).
This concept, rooted in the idea that actions can lead to outcomes that were not anticipated or intended, can elucidate aspects that other fields, particularly the social sciences, often struggle to explain. Unintended consequences can manifest in numerous ways, reshaping perceptions and realities in complex societies.
With this understanding, I would like to explore why figures like Carl Bock (1985), Miller (Black Borneo, 1942), and Nieuwenhuis (1894) generated unforeseen consequences that continue to affect the Dayak people. This is especially relevant for us—writers and literacy advocates—who seek to clarify or enhance the accuracy of the narratives these authors have presented. Their works have historically framed the Dayak identity in ways that have lingered far beyond their publication dates.
Take Pastor Ding Ngo, for example, an educated Kayan who has emerged as a prominent voice among the Dayak people. He has notably criticized Nieuwenhuis’s work, asserting that it contains many inaccuracies (Sellato, 1994: xxi).
Ding Ngo's critiques are vital, as they represent a pushback against the longstanding stereotypes propagated by Western authors.
The most damaging narratives, however, come from Blair and Helmi, who portrayed the Dayak as "wild people of Borneo," significantly influencing the stereotypes surrounding this ethnic group.
The origins of misconception
The misconception of the Dayak as a headhunting tribe was initiated by Bock in The Headhunters of Borneo (1985). In this book, Bock stigmatised the Dayak with this negative label, and his work—originally published in London in 1881—exceeds 400 pages. Bock’s portrayal was not merely a scholarly endeavor; it was a reflection of colonial attitudes that sought to depict indigenous cultures as primitive and savage.
Read Unpacking the Labeling of the Dayak in the Past
Despite being a Westerner, Bock lacked sufficient knowledge about the subject, failing to understand the cultural nuances of headhunting. He disregarded the fact that headhunting was governed by specific protocols and cultural significance within the Dayak communities.
There were five main motivations for headhunting: protecting agriculture, gaining spiritual power, seeking revenge, strengthening the structural integrity of buildings, and self-defense.
This context is crucial, as it demonstrates that headhunting was not a senseless act of violence but rather a complex social practice with deep-rooted meanings.
Bock’s portrayal was rooted in colonial interests, as the research was commissioned by the Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies to understand Southeast Kalimantan better.
This background explains why his work, despite its length and detail, is steeped in biases that serve the interests of the colonial powers.
Unsurprisingly, Bock’s ethnographic depictions reflect the priorities of colonialism (cf. Collins, 2017), further entrenching harmful stereotypes.
Read The Dayak Bank: The Credit Union (CU) That Drives Financial Literacy for the Dayak People
This can be illustrated by Western artists’ interpretations of the Dayak Punan’s way of life, such as the painting titled "Wild People at Home" (Blair and Helmi, 1991: 76).
The title alone condemns the Dayak as "wild people living in simple huts," depicting them as sleeping under trees, in caves, or anywhere they could find shelter. Such images contribute to a lasting stigma that oversimplifies and misrepresents the richness of Dayak culture.
The shift in modern representation
There’s an old saying, "Quod scripsi, scripsi" —what I have written, remains written. However, this principle does not apply to knowledge and history, which must be open to verification and revision. Knowledge is deemed accurate until disproven by new data or insights, making it essential for communities to reclaim their narratives.
In social sciences, unintended consequences can arise from purposeful actions that yield unforeseen results. This concept was popularized in the 20th century by American sociologist Robert K. Merton, later expanded upon by economist Thomas Sowell and psychologist Stuart Vyse. These unintended consequences can be categorized into three types: unexpected benefits, unexpected drawbacks, and perverse outcomes.
Unexpected benefits refer to positive, unanticipated outcomes, often considered luck or serendipity. Unexpected drawbacks are unforeseen losses that occur alongside desired effects of a policy, highlighting the complexity of social interventions. For example, an irrigation scheme may provide water for agriculture, but it can also lead to waterborne diseases that adversely affect health, such as schistosomiasis.
Perverse outcomes occur when a proposed solution exacerbates the problem, complicating efforts for meaningful change.
These variations of unintended consequences can happen individually or simultaneously within a single action, design, or human endeavor.
This framework is applicable to the writers and anthropologists who have chronicled the Dayak. They have framed, branded, and stigmatized the Dayak people in ways that have persisted, leaving a lasting impression on many.
The modern Dayak
The Dayak, like other ethnic groups, is on the brink of entering a stage of pre-capitalism, increasingly empowered through grassroots economic initiatives led by Credit Unions (CUs).
Today, their image is vastly different from the historical portrayals that emphasized primitiveness and savagery. There are 35 professors from various disciplines, CEOs, governors, and many district heads, along with hundreds holding doctoral degrees, showcasing the intellectual and economic growth within the community.
The portrayal of the Dayak has shifted dramatically, from images of sleeping haphazardly in makeshift shelters to resting in air-conditioned rooms with marble floors. Where once they were depicted carrying spears and blowpipes, today they carry gadgets and laptops—tools essential for their livelihoods. This evolution reflects broader societal changes and the Dayak’s adaptation to modernity.
The Dayak culture, particularly their "livelihood system," which foreign travelers and Western anthropologists often describe as merely "farming and hunting," must be revised and rewritten. This narrative no longer aligns with the current reality, as many Dayak individuals have become affluent, successful CEOs, and emerging wealthy entrepreneurs. The complexity and diversity of Dayak lifestyles should be captured in contemporary accounts.
In rural Dayak communities, journeys to fields and gardens are now made via motorcycles or even cars. Each family typically owns at least one hectare of land ready for cultivation to support their livelihoods. This shift from traditional methods to modern practices underscores the dynamic nature of their culture and economy.
Thus, the representation of Dayak culture, especially their "livelihood system," needs to be critically reassessed. The existing portrayals are outdated and inaccurate, failing to capture the vibrant reality of the Dayak people today.
Who will take on the responsibility of rewriting these narratives? Who will frame their own identity as Dayak, since we are the ones who truly know ourselves? It falls to us, as community members, to reclaim and redefine our narratives, ensuring they reflect the complexities of our modern lives.
The Dayak must write from within, crafting narratives that honor their rich history while embracing the changes and challenges of the present. By doing so, they can reshape perceptions and build a future grounded in authenticity and pride.
The Rise of Credit Unions: A Financial Revolution Among the Dayak People
Credit Unions (CUs), which are fundamentally cooperatives rather than banks, have grown into non-bank financial institutions that drive financial literacy among the Dayak people. The Dayak are not bank-minded but CU-minded. Trust (credit) is a core expression of Dayak identity. If CUs thrive within the Dayak community, it signifies that the Dayak people are honest and trustworthy.
Read Musa dan Pohon Ketapang CU Pancur Solidaritas yang mulai Rindang
Unlike banks, which are financial institutions that generate wealth for their owners and managers, CUs exist to benefit their members—by the members, for the members. This cooperative model ensures that financial prosperity is shared within the community, fostering mutual support and economic empowerment.
The largest Credit Unions in Borneo, with assets ranging from 1 to 4 trillion IDR, include Pancur Kasih, Lantang Tipo, Keling Kumang, Khatulistiwa Bhakti, and Baharta. These institutions have played a crucial role in empowering local communities by promoting financial literacy, providing accessible financial services, and fostering economic independence. Their success highlights the strength of trust-based financial models within the Dayak community, where cooperative systems thrive over conventional banking structures.
-- Masri Sareb Putra, M.A.